Upon arriving at Most Holy Redeemer rectory yesterday (where I stay while in Chicago--my Mom's parish, before she died), I learned of the death, the day before my arrival, of one of the (retired) associates here: Fr Joe Ruiz. The obituary in today's Chicago Tribune said he "shared life and faith with hundreds of people throughout the Chicago Archdiocese..." I simply remember him as a gentle soul who was the one who anointed my Mother before she died. He was not the greatest preacher since Cardinal Newman, but he cared for people and had the heart of a servant.
I wonder: should he be referred to as "a church official"?
This is how Msgr William Linn of Philadelphia has been characterized in the press following his sentening of 3-6 years in the general population of a prison (which is a quasi-death sentence). Is the press using this language to distance Fr Linn's actions from the Catholic clergy? Not likely-- it is more possible it is attempting by this vocabulary to distance the Catholic Church from anything sacred...
Has Fr Linn also been someone who shared life and faith with others? Certainly so. Is he taking the rap for others (living and dead) who are more directly responsible for abuse of children? Probably. Is is therefore able to avoid culpability? No--just look at Penn State, not an altogether unfair analogy... But the argument that Fr Linn deserves hard time instead of house arrest because otherwise he might flee to the Vatican?! Really?? This kind of logic, I thought, ended with the 2 defeats of Al Smith in the 1920s. In any event, even if he did flee, I could virtually guarantee there'd be the swiftest extradition proceeding anyone has ever seen when Benedict would dump him back to the States without a qualm.
What should be Fr Linn's obituary (yes, this is a bit early)? I would hope it would be similar to what Fr Ruiz's (or mine) would say-- a series of quotes:
"O God, be merciful to me, a sinner" (the tax-collector)
"Bury this body wherever you want; only remember me when you are at the altar of the Lord" (St Monica)
Footnote: a friend sent me a message (with which I completely agree) that any fine leveled against Penn State by the NCAA should be directed toward programs to protect children from predatory sex offenders. What do you think?
Tuesday, July 24, 2012
Thursday, July 5, 2012
THE NATURE OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY AND CONSCIENCE
After the dust attempts to settle
(or not) in the wake (pun intended) of the Supreme Court’s decision that the
Affordable Health Care Law is indeed constitutional, and ignoring the upcoming
lawsuits against the HHS mandate attached to it, I want to reflect on the
meanings of religious liberty and freedom of conscience and establishment in
what I hope will be a calmer (if not more reasoned) manner.
The Catholic Church historically
(read: especially—but not only—since President Obama’s health care legislative initiative)
has been solidly in favor of universal health insurance made affordable to all. The issue for the churches (Catholic and
others) has been the HHS mandate that forces them to pay for others’ abortions
(yes, the “morning after pill” is abortifacient). Though the press has focused on this as an issue
of contraception, the concerns are in fact much larger: can the government
enact policies that are in direct opposition to the teachings and practices of
a given religious body?
The answer surely is YES and NO.
Consider the circumstances of those
Christian bodies (Quakers, Amish, Mennonites…) for which war is totally
unacceptable from a moral and religious standpoint. Can the government nevertheless impose a
draft? Of course it can, and in the past
it has. However: there was from the beginning an “escape” of
sorts for those who objected to bearing arms in warfare because of issues of conscience. They were granted the status of “conscientious
objectors,” and they were required instead to offer alternative service—perhaps
as ambulance drivers or medics, for example.
Chaplains of any stripe, moreover, were never obligated to bear arms in
the exercise of their duties. So
accommodation can be made.
Catholics (and others) are simply
saying: “It’s bad enough, from our point
of view, that the law allows for abortions; we will acquiesce in the law,
though we will try to persuade people that it is wrong. All we ask here is don’t force us to pay for
the abortions, as well. We refrain from
coercion of those exercising their legal right; please also refrain from
coercion in making us pay for what we in conscience understand to be evil.” This is not so hard to understand, I don’t
think…
On the other hand, what do we
really understand by the idea of “restricting freedom of exercise of religion”? Although it is patently ludicrous to think that
a Catholic university or hospital or social services center, by virtue of the
fact that it doesn’t minister to or serve Catholics as its overwhelming
majority, somehow doesn’t come under the aegis of the law’s definition of “Catholic
institution,” we must also recall the context within which the Vatican II
Declaration on Religious Liberty Dignitatis
Humanae was crafted. A then
little-known auxiliary bishop from Poland, Karol Wojtyla, had a major hand in
getting this document approved as he knew, first-hand, the struggles of the
Polish people to exercise their freedom to worship under a communist regime. Our situation in the United States is
radically different from his, after all, isn’t it?
What if the Catholic Church (and
others) were to lose its protected status (eg, tax exemptions) in the name of a
completely secular State? Would the
Church be the worse, or the better, off for this? I think of the position of the Ultramontanes
(the ultra-conservative pro-papal authority wing) in the 19th
century when they (foolishly) insisted that papal authority must include
political and temporal sovereignty over the “Papal States” of central
Italy). This ended in fact in 1870, and
it was ended legally in 1929. To think
the pope should not be a prince was regarded as heresy; to see those
territories taken over (especially in Rome itself) was thought disastrous. Yet there could have been no greater blessing
to the papacy than the elimination of this completely unnecessary circumstance that
history foisted on the papacy from about the 6th century. Might a loss of privilege from the government
here produce similar beneficent effects and blessing?
It is frankly futile to appeal to
Scripture in judging issues and controversies like this—after all, there was no
such thing as representative republican government (such as we have) in those
days. So appeals to texts like “Render
to Caesar what is Caesar’s” are of little help.
What is of help, though, is historical precedent. The Church seems most to be the Church
(properly speaking) when it is in a minority and is persecuted. The glory of God is a human being fully
alive, St Irenaeus wrote in the 2nd century. But often being “fully alive” meant being
willing (and likely) to die for one’s convictions. If the insight of the 2nd century
North African theologian Tertullian (“The blood of martyrs is the seed-bed of
the Church”) is true, then perhaps we might rejoice in some distancing of ourselves
from positions of privilege and know that if we are to be prophetic we must be
1) often counter-establishment, and 2) always credible—in our witness if not
always in our words. So let’s get on
with it.
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